ANTH 5203, Archaeology Method & Theory:
Core Course, Spring 2003

COURSE DETAILS

3. Limp
4. Kay
6. Kay
7. Cancelled
12. Sabo
13. Kvamme
14. Payne


1.
1/14
All faculty Overview of course; discussion of meaning and relevance of archaeology. Assignment of mentors,




2. 1/21

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Thomas J. Green

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

PUBLIC AND GOVERNMENT INTERESTS IN ARCHEOLOGY RESEARCH AND INTERPRETATION. Archeological sites have different values to different segments of the public and ethnic groups. These values create conflict over the "use" of archeological sites. Nations and states have created laws and regulations to regulate the use of archeological sites and to protect them from destruction. Today, both academic and government sponsored archeological research is regulated by these laws.

Readings:

Kristiansen, Kristian
1992 "The strength of the past and its great might": An essay on the use of the past. Journal of European Archaeology 1:3-32.

Lipe, Willaim
1984 Value and Meaning in Cultural Resources. in Approaches to the Archaeological Heritage: A Comparative Study of World Cultural Resource Management Systems, edited by Henry Cleere. pp. 1-11. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Meskell, Lynn
2002 The intersections of identity and politics in archaeology. Annual Review of Anthropology 31:279-301.

Rose, Jerome C., Thomas J. Green, and Victoria D. Green
1996 NAGPRA IS FOREVER: Osteology and the repatriation of skeletons. Annual Review of Anthropology 25:81-103.

Smith, Laurajane
1994 Heritage management as postprocessual archaeology. Antiquity 68:300-309.

Walker, Deward
1991 Protection of American Indian Sacred Geography. In Handbook of American Indian Religious Freedom, edited by Christopher Vecsey, New York, Crossroad Publishing, pp. 100-115.

Green's Questions; answer 1 (due Tuesday 1/28)

  1. If the identity of people and groups of people, however they define themselves, is at least partly based on a real or imagined past, what is the role of anthropological archeology in providing information to these groups of people?

  2. If heritage management is the management of conflicts as Smith asserts, how can archeological anthropology help in the mitigation of the conflicts


3.
1/28

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fred Limp

 

Student discussion leader: Angie

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

AN OVERVIEW OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL THEORY. This lecture attempts to overview a broad range of “archaeologies” – not only North American prehistory, but classical archeology, historical and “material culture” studies, museum and public interpretation and CRM, to mention a few.

There are four parts to this section (1) readings, (2) what is arch(a)eology, (3) what are arch(a)eological methods and (4) classification exercise. Tasks 2-4 should be done quickly. These are designed to get you thinking and not as a major laborious task.

Note: Important LINKS are at the bottom of this box.

Required readings for Jan 21 lecture Overview of Theory in Arch(a)eology

All materials are available through Mullins Library Reserve (two copies) and in the Anthropology Reading Room (two copies). Select readings are also available on line through full-text resources at Mullins (see below). It is recommended that the material be read in the sequence provided.

The readings have been selected to give an overview of both the intellectual history and current practice in archaeological theory. It is laughable to believe that covering this material in one lecture will be anything more than the most superficial caricature of the topic – and that would be a good day! The readings are selected to provide an entry point to a much more massive body of material. To that end overviews and the latest versions have been used rather than the “seminal” papers (except for Shanks and Tilley).

An attempt has also been made to include literature that may applicable to a broad range of “archaeologies” – not only North American prehistory but classical archeology, historical and “material culture” studies, museum and public interpretation and CRM, to mention a few.

  1. If you have not previously been exposed to a course on archeological practice/method please read Bruce Trigger, 1989, A history of archaeological thought. Cambridge. Chapters 7 through 10. CC100 T75 1989.
  2. Whitley, David. 1998. New approaches to old problems, in David Whitley (ed) Reader in Archaeological Theory. Routledge. Pages ix-xi and 1-28. CC72 R4 1998.
  3. Hodder, Ian. 2001. Introduction: a review of contemporary theoretical debate in archaeology, in Ian Hodder (ed) Archaeological theory today. Polity. Pages 1-13.
  4. Shanks, Michael and Christopher Tilley. 1992 (1987). Re-constructing archaeology. 2nd edition. Routledge. Pages 7-28 and then xvii-xxiv. CC72 S5 1992.
  5. Wylie, Alison. 1993. A proliferation of new archaeologies: beyond objectivism and relativitism, in Norma Yoffee and Andrew Sherratt Archaeological theory: who sets the agenda? Cambridge. Pages 20-26. CC72 A65 1993.
  6. Dornan, Jennifer. 2002. Agency and archaeology: past, present and future directions. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 9(4):303-329. (Also available in full-text on-line).
  7. O’Brien, Michael and R.L. Lyman. 2000. Darwinian evolutionism is applicable to historical archaeology. International Journal of Historical Archaeology. 4(1):71-112. (Also available in full-text on-line)
  8. Moreland, John. 2001. Archaeology and text. Duckworth. Pages 9-31 and 98-119. CC72 M674 2001.
  9. Conkey, Margaret and Joan Gero. 1997. Programme to practice: gender and feminism in archaeology. Annual Review of Anthropology 26:411-437. (Also available in full-text on-line).

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4.
2/4

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Marvin Kay

Student discussion leader: Kath

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

OH, BROTHER! NOT MAMMOTH AGAIN.

Subject: Paleoindian adaptation in the Great Plains and border areas: the evaluation of subsistence and technological underpinnings of hunter-gatherer mobility.

Approach: This case study will address change in adaptations at the end of the last glacial, and contrast a generalist Clovis with a specialist Folsom subsistence approach. It will consider megafauna extinction, engineering design criteria for contrastive technological systems (following Peter Bleed), subsistence practices, and Zipf's principle of least effort.

Readings:
Ahler, Stanley A. and Phil R. Geib 2000. "Why flute? Folsom point design and adaptation." Journal of Archaeological Science 27:799-820.

Dixon, James E. 2001. Human colonization of the Americas: timing, technology and process. Quaternary Science Reviews 20:277-299.

Haynes, Gary 2002. The catastrophic extinction of North American mammoths and mastodonts. World Archaeology 33(3):341-416.

Kay, Marvin 1996. Microwear analysis of some Clovis and experimental chipped stone tools. In Stone Tools: Theoretical Insights into Human Behavior, edited by G. H. Odell, pp. 315-344. Plenum Press, New York.

READINGS ON RESERVE AT MULLINS LIBRARY, AND IN THE READING ROOM (beginning 1/24)

Assignment:
NEW! Write a double-spaced typed essay of no more than 5 pages of text (not counting references cited) to be turned in Tuesday, 11 Feb 2003. The issue to be resolved is: Were Clovis and Folsom hunter-gatherers alike or different in their adaptations?

For further guidance refer also to:

Bleed, Peter 1986. The optimal design of hunting weapons: maintainability or reliability. American Antiquity 51:737-747.

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5.
2/11

 

Thomas J. Green

Student discussion leaders: Opal

PALEOINDIANS OR PALEOAMERICANS? SCIENCE AND POLITICS IN ARCHEOLOGICAL RESEARCH. Recent archeological and bioarcheological research has led to new ideas concerning the intitial settlement of North and South America. Some researchers are even questioning the genetic relationship between early peoples and later American Indian populations. Some have questioned the Asian-only origin of early New World peoples and they have suggested that African and European peoples may have been early migrants to the New World. While these ideas are controversial among archeologists, they have created a furor among Indian peoples. The recent decision that the 9000 year old Kennewick skeleton is not legally a Native American for purposes of the law results from these new ideas.

Assignment Questions (Due: Feb 18, 2003):
How do you think the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990 (NAGPRA) has influenced the interpretation of early human settlement in the Americas? Is it possible to separate the politics of NAGPRA from science. If so, how?

You will get no credit for simply regurgitating Green's clearly biased view of this issue. You will get credit for a thoughtful answer that uses the readings to bolster your argument. Use proper citations - either American Antiquity or American Anthropologist style.

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6.
2/18

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Marvin Kay

Student discussion leader: Elsa

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

PARADIGM SHIFT? NO, I WAS JUST WRONG.

Subject: The Dalton horizon, new AMS dates, and unambiguous associations of artifacts point to a more complex reality.

Approach: Using real data and the history of Dalton investigations, this case study's prime purpose is to consider how archaeology reacts to new discoveries and often shifts explanation. This case study will explore differing perspectives of Kuhn and Popper in seeking knowledge.

Assignment Questions (Due: Feb 25, 2003): How does the Dalton evidence compare to either or both Kuhn's and Popper's view of what science is and how it is conducted? (You get no extra points for agreeing with the speaker; write what you think is appropriate and back it up in a well argued essay.)

DOWNLOAD KAY'S NEW ROGERS SHELTER DATES (PDF, 82K) click here
(posted 2-19-03)


Readings: (posted 2-14-03)
Bousman, C. Britt, Michael B. Collins, Paul Goldberg, Thomas Stafford, Jan Guy, Barry Baker, D. Gentry Steele, Marvin Kay, Anne Kerr, Glen Fredlund, Phil Dering, Vance Holliday, Diane Wilson, Wulf Gose, Susan Dial, Paul Takac, Robin Balinsky, Marilyn Masson, and Joseph F. Powell
2002. The Paleoindian and Archaic Transition: new evidence from Texas. Antiquity 76:980-990.

Goodyear, Albert C.
1982. The chronological position of the Dalton Horizon in the Southeastern United States. American Antiquity 47:382-395.

Goodyear, Albert C.
1999. Early Holocene occupation of the Southeastern United Stsates: a geoarchaeological summary. In The Ice Age Peopling of North America, edited by Robson Bonnichsen and Karen L. Turnmire, pp. 432-481. Center for the Study of the First Americans, Oregon State University, Corvallis

Hajic, Edwin R., Rolfe D. Mandel, and E. Arthur Bettis III
2000. Stratigraphic and paleoenvironmental investigations. In The 1999 Excavations at the Big Eddy Site (23CE426), edited by Neal H. Lopinot, Jack H. Ray, and Michael D. Conner, pp. 26-36. Special Publication No. 3. Center for Archaeological Research, Southwest Missouri State University. Springfield, Missouri.

Kelley, Jane H. and Marsha P. Hanen
1988. Ch. 3. Two Views of Science. In Archaeology and the Methodology of Science, pp. 61-97. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press

Knutson, Ruth Ann
2002. Medicine Creek is a Paleoindian cultural ecotone. In Medicine Creek: Seventy Years of Archaeological Investigations, edited by Donna C. Roper, pp. 84-141 . University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.

Taylor, R. E.
2000. Fifty years of radiocarbon dating. American Scientist 88:60-67. (note: on reserve at Mullins Library; This is a supplementary reading for those unknowledgeable about radiocarbon dating and how it has progressed since Willard Libby's day.)

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7.
2/25

 

MEETING CANCELLED



8.
3/4

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Martha A. Rolingson

Student discussion leader: Mark

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

RESEARCH STRATEGIES FOR THE TOLTEC MOUNDS SITE

Initially reported in 1876, the Toltec Mounds site was long ignored by archeologists. Purchased in 1975 for development as a state park, public archeology-how to present both archeology and prehistory to the public-has influenced the strategies of the research plan. The large size of the site, nearly 100 acres, also requires different strategies of investigation than do small sites. The advantage, in this case, has been the extended support for long-range goals. The presentation will describe the original strategies for the research design and discuss in more detail the continuing investigation of the chronology of mound construction and planning, on-site activities and how mounds were used, and social context.

QUESTIONS (Posted 2-25-03)

  1. Select three topics listed in the 1982 research domain of culture history and intrasite variability and discuss how they have been developed within the project.
  2. The development of plant domestication and reliance on agriculture is an important research area in the Midwest and mid-South. Discuss how Plum Bayou subsistence data contribute to these ideas
  3. Examine the use of regional resources, particularly lithic materials in Plum Bayou culture, and how they provide data on local and broad scale exchange and trade.
  4. Outline the differences and similarities between Nassaney's discussion of communal society and Rolingson's for simple chiefdoms. How well do the data fit these two hypotheses?

READINGS (Posted 2-24-03)

Earle, Timothy (GN492.55. C48 1991)
1991 The Evolution of Chiefdoms. In Chiefdoms: Power, Economy, and Ideology, edited by T. Earle, pp. 1-15. Cambridge University Press. (15 pp.)

A summary of discussion at an Advanced Seminar on chiefdoms held at the School for American Research, Santa Fe, 1988.

Rolingson, M. A. (E78.A8 A76 no. 15 1982)
1982 Public Archeology: Research and Development of the Toltec Mounds Site. In Arkansas Archeology in Review, edited by Neal L. Trubowitz and Marvin D. Jeter. Research Series No. 15:48-75. Arkansas Archeological Survey. (26 pp.)

A brief description of the site as known in the early years of research and of the research domains in the research plan. It also has the first brief published definition of Plum Bayou culture.

Rolingson, M. A. (E78.A8 A76 no. 54 1998)
1998 Chapter 7 - Plum Bayou Culture at Toltec Mounds and Vicinity Sites. In Toltec Mounds and Plum Bayou Culture: Mound D Excavations, by M. A. Rolingson. Research Series No. 54:95-112. Arkansas Archeological Survey. (17 pp.)

A detailed overview of the findings for the topical research domains.

Rolingson, M. A.
2002 Plum Bayou Culture of the Arkansas-White River Basin. In The Woodland Southeast, edited by D. G. Anderson and R. C. Mainfort, Jr., pp. 44-65, The University of Alabama Press. (21 pp.)

The broadest and latest overview of results of the research.

Nassaney, Michael S.
1992 Communal societies and the Emergence of Elites in the Prehistoric American Southeast. In Lords of the Southeast: Social Inequality and the Native Elites of Southeastern North America, edited by A. W. Barker and T. R. Pauketat, pp. 111-143. Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association No. 3, Washington. (32 pp.)

An alternative discussion of the level of social complexity at Toltec Mounds.


SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS

Anderson, David G. and Robert C. Mainfort, Jr.
2002 An Introduction to Woodland Archaeology in the Southeast. In The Woodland Southeast, edited by D. G. Anderson and R. C. Mainfort, Jr., pp.1-19. The University of Alabama Press.

Overview of the Woodland period in the Southeast, providing a regional context for the Toltec Mounds site.

Kidder, Tristram R.
2002 Woodland Period Archaeology of the Lower Mississippi Valley. In The Woodland Southeast, edited by D. G. Anderson and R. C. Mainfort, Jr., pp. 66-90. The University of Alabama Press.

Nassaney, Michael S.
1994 The Historical and Archaeological context of Plum Bayou Culture in Central Arkansas. Southeastern Archaeology 12:36-55.

1996 The Contributions of the Plum Bayou Survey Project, 1988-1994, to the Native Settlement History of Central Arkansas. The Arkansas Archeologist, 35:1-50. Fayetteville.

Vicinity site survey and testing for outlying support communities for the Toltec Mounds site.

2000 The Late Woodland Southeast. In Late Woodland Societies: Tradition and Transformation across the Midcontinent. edited by T. E. Emerson, D. L. McElrath, and A. C. Fortier, pp. 713-730. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

Rolingson, M. A. and R. S. Mainfort, Jr.
2002 Woodland Period Archaeology of the Central Mississippi Valley. In The Woodland Southeast, edited by D. G. Anderson and R. C. Mainfort, Jr., pp. 44-65, The University of Alabama Press. (21 pp.)

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9.
3/11

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Frank Schambach

Student discussion leader: Matt

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ARCHEOLOGY AS CULTURE HISTORY: EXPLAINING THE SPIRO SITE (REVISION POSTED 2-24-03)

The great, pioneering, evolutionary biologist, Ernst Mayr has written:

"When a biologist tries to answer a question about a unique occurrence such as "Why are there no hummingbirds in the Old World?"or "Where did Homo sapiens originate?" he cannot rely on universal laws. The biologist has to study all the known facts relating to a particular problem, infer all sorts of consequences from the reconstructed constellations of factors, and then attempt to construct a scenario that would explain the observed facts of this particular case. In other words, he constructs a historical narrative. . . . It is, of course, never possible to prove categorically that a historical narrative is "true." Yet every narrative is opento falsification and can be tested again and again."

Archeologists must also "explain" unique occurrences, if they wish to explain them at all, by constructing historical narratives. Those of us who specialize in this method of work refer to it as the practice of "culture history," and to ourselves as "culture historians."

For many years, I have been preoccupied with constructing and refining a "historical narrative" that explains the Spiro site, a "unique occurrence," archeologically, if there ever was one. Located in the Arkansas Valley in eastern Oklahoma, Spiro was one of the four most important places in the "Mississippian World," i.e., the remarkable world of the Indians of southeastern North America in the centuries between 900 and 1700 A.D. The others were Cahokia, Moundville, and Etowah. The most important question I have dealt with so far is - and the question that is the subject of my lecture and the readings listed below - is: how did the Spiroans accumulate their great hoard of valuables - amounting to as much as 70 percent of all the Mississippian "prestige goods" known to archeology - in one comparatively small mound at an otherwise unremarkable site on the western edge of the Mississippian world?

Naturally, I hope you will find my narrative interesting in its own right, and perhaps even plausible. But I am presenting it primarily as an example of how such a narrative is constructed. Hence, that is the basis on which I would like you to examine it during our post-lecture discussions and in the 5 to 6-page paper you are required to produce on the material presented in each class session. So I would like you to examine my narrative by breaking it down into its component parts. You may do this as you see fit, but here are some basic questions I would like
you to consider as you proceed.

What are the major elements (or hypotheses) in the "scenario," or "historical narrative" I have constructed to explain the Spiro site?

How many different kinds of data (archeological, botanical, bioanthropological, biogeographical, epidemiological, historical, etc.) are employed in support of the various hypotheses I present? I'm looking for some sort of a list here, with a bit of discussion, not just a number.

To what extent are environmental data employed in my arguments and in the arguments I challenge; does it look as if environmental data are, or have ever been, of real concern to archeologists? Can you suggest, out of your own developing expertise, types of environmental data that I should be employing, or at least trying to employ, but have overlooked?

Archeologists are infamous for their arcane arguments over the classification of pottery and other artifacts; is there anything in my narrative that might lead you to believe that it actually matters whether pottery is classified one way or another?

Ernst Mayr tells us that "It is, of course, never possible to prove categorically that a historical narrative is 'true.' Yet every narrative is open to falsification and can be tested again and again." This is basic science; a hypothesis that is not open to falsification is useless. But how do culture historians go about falsifying hypotheses? Find one good example of this in the required reading and discuss it briefly. Can you suggest some way that I, or one of my critics might attempt - or is
attempting - to falsify any the hypotheses upon which my narrative is constructed.

Required Reading:

It would be best to read these five articles in the order listed. The short piece by Brain will give you some sense of the great quantities of goods that were accumulated at Spiro and it tells the sad tale of how we came to find out what was there. My introduction to the Sanders site report will serve as an introduction to that important site. My "historical narrative" is presented in its entirety, and in a form intended for general readers, in the paper titled Osage Orange Bows, Indian Horses, and the Blackland Prairie of Northeastern Texas. The last two papers are examples, albeit one-sided, of how specialists argue back and forth about each other's narratives. As such, these papers are pretty technical, but in them you will find details that will be helpful in answering the questions I have posed for discussion and study.

Brain, J. P.
1988 The Great Mound Robbery. Archaeology 41(3):18-25.

Schambach, F. F.|
2000 The Significance of the Sanders Site in the Culture History of the Mississippi Period Southeast and the Southern Plains. In The 1931 Excavations at the Sanders Site, Lamar County Texas; Notes on the Field Work, Human Osteology, and Ceramics. A. T. Jackson, Marcus S. Goldstein, and Alex Krieger, authors. Introduction by Frank F. Schambach, Preface by Darrell G. Creel, pp. 1-7. Texas Archeological Research Laboratory, Archival Series 2, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin.

2002 Osage Orange Bows, Indian Horses, and the Blackland Prairie of Northeast Texas. In Blackland Prairies of the Gulf Coastal Plain; Nature, Culture, and Sustainability, edited by E. Peacock and T. Shauwecker, pp. 212-236. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa & London.

1997 Continuing the Discussion of the Spiroans and Their Entrepots: A Reply to Brooks's Critique of My New Paradigm for the Archeology of the Arkansas Valley. Caddoan Archeology 7(4):17-46.

2000 Spiroan Traders, the Sanders Site, and the Plains Interaction Sphere: A Reply to Bruseth, Wilson, and Perttula. Plains Anthropologist 45(171):7-33.

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10.
3/25

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Jeffrey M. Mitchem

Student discussion leaders: David

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

SPANISH COLONIAL ARCHAEOLOGY. This topic overviews Spanish colonial archaeology, with special focus on the archaeology of 16th-century Spanish exploration and 17th-century Spanish (Franciscan) missions in the Southeast. As specific examples, I use my dissertation research (on the Tatham Mound and other sites) and Parkin to address the former and Mission San Luis (directed by my wife, Bonnie McEwan) as the latter. These provide easily-grasped examples of the complex and changing interactions between Spaniards and Native Americans that characterized the meeting of two very different worlds. These examples provide good case studies that demonstrate why historical archaeology is the best way (and in some cases the only way) to address anthropological questions concerning the consequences of European/Native American contact. Research at these sites has altered our perceptions of aspects of contact and its aftermath, and has also shown that historical documents alone do not always tell the whole story.

Questions: (posted 3-12-03)

1. What sorts of things can archaeology reveal about Spanish/Indian
contact that written documents cannot?

2. How is historical archaeology uniquely appropriate for examining
processes of culture contact and change?

3. In the two case studies presented, what results were gained only
through archaeology and which were more dependent on a combination of documentary and archaeological evidence?

Readings: (posted 2-14-03)

Deagan, Kathleen A.
2003 Colonial Origins and Colonial Transformations in Spanish America. HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 37(4), in press.

McEwan, Bonnie G.
1993 Hispanic Life on the Seventeenth-Century Florida Frontier. In THE SPANISH MISSIONS OF LA FLORIDA, edited by Bonnie G. McEwan, pp. 295-321. University Press of Florida, Gainesville.

2001 The Spiritual Conquest of La Florida. AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST 103(3):633-644.

Milanich, Jerald T.
1990 The European Entrada into La Florida: An Overview. In COLUMBIAN CONSEQUENCES VOLUME 2: ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE SPANISH BORDERLANDS EAST, edited by David Hurst Thomas, pp. 3-29.
Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C.

Mitchem, Jeffrey M.
1989 Artifacts of Exploration: Archaeological Evidence from Florida. In FIRST ENCOUNTERS: SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN THE CARIBBEAN AND THE UNITED STATES, 1492-1570, edited by Jerald T. Milanich and Susan Milbrath, pp.99-109. University of Florida Press, Gainesville.

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11.
4/1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Robert C. Mainfort

Student discussion leader: ????

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION.
Systematics refers to procedures used to create units derived logically for a specific analytical purpose. The units are used (1) to characterize and measure similarities and differences between objects and (2) to sort them into sets such that like goes with like. This is as true in archaeology as it is in biology and paleontology. All objects in a set should more closely resemble every other object in the set than any object in a different set. The goal of systematics is realized by classification, which is the creation of new units (sets) and revision of old units by stipulating the necessary and sufficient conditions for membership in a unit. In this class, we will get some hands-on experience by creating classifications of a common item of modern material culture.

Below are some questions to consider: (posted 2-17-03)

1) What is a variable?

2) What is an attribute?

3) What is a group?

4) What is a class?

5) How does a paradigm differ from a key? What are the relative advantages of each?

6) What are the differences between monothetic and polythetic classification? What are the relative advantages of each?

7) Do archaeological types represent types recognized by the society that created the objects being studied?

Readings:

Brown, James A.
1971 The dimensions of status in the burials at Spiro. In: Approaches to the Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices, edited by J.A. Brown, pp. 92-112. Society for American Archaeology Memoir 25.

Clarke, David L.
1968 Artefact and Type (Chapter 5). In Analytical Archaeology, by D.L. Clarke. Methuen, London.

Cowgill, George L.
1990 Artifact classification and archaeological purposes. In: Mathematics and Information Science in Archaeology: A Flexible Framework, edited by A. Voorrips, pp. 61-78. Holos, Bonn.

Saxe, Arthur A.
1970 Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices, pp. 39-63. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan.

Voorrips, A.
1982 Mambrino's helmet: A framework for structuring archaeological data. In: Essays on Archaeological Typology, edited by R. Whallon and J.A. Brown, pp. 93-126. Center for American Archaeology Press, Evanston.

Whittaker, J.C., D. Caulkins, and K.A. Kamp
1998 Evaluating consistency in typology and classification. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 5(2):129-164.

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12.
4/8

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

George Sabo

Student discussion leader: Sarah

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ETHNOHISTORY AND THE ARCHEOLOGY OF NATIVE AMERICANS.

Several years ago Bruce Trigger challenged archeologists to apply their talents to the study of Native American history, instead of using archeological evidence from Native American sites only to test "scientific" hypotheses. What does this challenge imply concerning the way we do archeological research in North America? One ramification is that we will need to make better use of the documentary record, and in examining historical texts make competent application of the arsenal of critical approaches developed by historians. A second implication is that we need to be attentive to cultural differences in the uses and meanings of the term "history," particularly those associated with the western cultural traditions embraced by most archeologists and the very different traditions that operate within Native American communities. We'll explore these issues via case studies that deal with the archeology and ethnohistory of Native Americans in Arkansas and the mid-South.

Readings: (posted 3-4-03)

"American Archaeology as Native History: A Review Essay" by Bruce Trigger, William and Mary Quarterly 40: 413-452 (available on-line via JSTOR).

“The Unexamined Habitus: Direct Historic Analogy and the Archaeology of the Text” by Patricia Galloway, in Representations in Archaeology, edited by Jean-Claude Gardin and Christopher S. Peebles (1992, Indiana University Press), pp. 178-95.

"Rituals of Encounter: Interpreting Native American Views of European Explorers" by George Sabo III (in Cultural Encounters in Early America: Native Americans and Europeans in Arkansas, edited by Jeannie M. Whayne (1995, University of Arkansas Press), pp. 76-87.

“Encounters and Images: European Contact and the Caddo Indians” by George Sabo III, in The Scholarship of Cultural Contact: Decolonizing Native American History, edited by M. A. Jaimes Guerrero and Joel Martin, Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques, Vol. 21, no. 2 (Spring, 1995): 217-42.

"The Quapaw Indians of Arkansas, 1673-1803" by George Sabo III, in Indians of the Greater Southeast: Historical Archaeology and Ethnohistory, edited by Bonnie G. McEwan (2000, University Press of Florida), pp. 178-203.

Recommended additional readings if this fascinates you:

A Forest of Time: American Indian Ways of History by Peter Nabokov (2002, Cambridge University Press)

The Emperor’s Mirror: Understanding Cultures Through Primary Sources, by Russell J. Barber and Francis F. Berdan (1998, The University of Arizona Press).

Essay Question:

Sabo’s articles provide various interpretations concerning structures, principles, and cultural themes that Quapaw and Caddo Indians employed in their early encounters with European explorers. What, in brief, are Sabo’s methods for examining textual sources? How might archeologists employ Sabo’s findings in their attempts to interpret the archeological record of pre-contact Indian societies?

 

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13.
4/15

Kenneth L. Kvamme

Student discussion leader: Crystal

ARCHAEO-GEOPHYSICAL APPROACHES TO REGIONAL AND LANDSCAPE ARCHAEOLOGY. Advances in near-surface geophysics and computer graphic display methods enable the subsurface of large regions to be mapped, often in great detail. The implications are profound because archaeologists now can view human uses of space in terms of tens of hectares compared to the tens of square meters typical of archaeological excavations. A review of available techniques, including magnetometry, electrical resistivity, electromagnetic conductivity, and ground-penetrating radar, is given along with case studies from several areas in North America. Particular focus is given to what archaeogeophysics can offer to regional or landscape archaeology.

Prior to class the student should review these web sites

Internet-based examples of large-area projects

Readings

  • Kvamme, K.L. 2003. Geophysical surveys as landscape archaeology. American Antiquity 68(3), in press.
  • Heron, C.P. & C.F. Gaffney 1987. Archaeogeophysics and the site: ohm sweet ohm? In C.F. Gaffney & V.L. Gaffney (eds.), Pragmatic Archaeology: Theory in Crisis?, pp. 71-81, BAR 167, Oxford.
  • Buteux, S., V. Gaffney, R. White & M. van Leusen 2000. Wroxeter Hinterland Project and geophysical survey at Wroxeter. Archaeological Prospection 7:69-80.**
  • Gaffney, C.F., J.A. Gater, P. Linford, V.L. Gaffney & R. White 2000. Large-scale systematic gradiometry at the Roman city of Wroxeter. Archaeological Prospection 7:81-99.**
  • ** Available on the internet through Mullins Library. Printed copies in the Reading Room and on reserve.

For more information about geophysics

  • Clark, Anthony 2000. Seeing beneath the soil : prospecting methods in archaeology. London : Routledge
    Held on reserve at Mullins Library

The Big Question

Consider these issues and questions prior to class and address them in your essay.

Do archaeologists need to dig holes to learn about the past? Moreover, by keeping their heads in holes does it blind their perspectives? In other words, by focusing principally on small portable artifacts and features revealed in relatively small excavation exposures (perhaps a few 10s of square meters), does our view of the archaeological record, the nature of human activities over settlement-scale or larger landscapes, and the past possess a scale bias? If the archaeogeophysicist can reveal cultural phenomena over large spaces,
albeit imperfectly, how is this result different from the traditional excavation that also imperfectly exposes cultural features in much smaller spaces (e.g., the delineation and identification of some features may be ambiguous, subject to variable interpretations, and others may not even be discernable to the human eye).

Using geophysical results from the Fort Clark Trading Post, the Sylvester Plantation, Bunker Hill, Whistling Elk, Mit-tutta-hang-kush, Huff, Wroxeter, or other examples located on the internet, discuss the nature of finds that the archaeogeophysicist might deliver to archaeology that are largely different from and augment common results. What benefits does geophysics deliver to the archaeological project? Focus principally on how viewing components of the archaeological record over large areas can alter perspectives about the past, the record itself, human organization at the village level, and large cultural landscapes.

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14.
4/22

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Claudine Payne

Student discussion leaders: Jason

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

RECOGNIZING CULTURAL COMPLEXITY IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD (RESCHEDULED due to weather)

This topic fits in with my current research into the foundations of leadership in small chiefdoms. I envision class discussion of the basic differences between egalitarian societies and nonegalitarian societies and how these are manifested archaeologically. I will also provide archaeological data for the class to evaluate and interpret, so they can get a taste of what archaeologists really do. We will also discuss my research exploring differences in the archaeological record between small chiefdoms and large ones.

Preparing for class on April 22: (posted 2-17-03)

Be ready to define and discuss the following terms: cultural complexity, status, role, rank. You may have to look beyond the readings for this. Some likely places to start looking are dictionaries and introductory anthropology texts.

Read all the materials. As you read, keep the following questions and issues in mind and be ready to discuss in class.

  • Regarding Service's discussion of band, tribes, and chiefdoms: what are some ways in which aspects of life in these societies are materialized, i.e., how are the various aspects manifested physically?
  • What material aspects do you think are likely to be most informative about the nature of complexity? Why?
  • Peebles and Kus discuss archaeological correlates for chiefdoms. Bring to class 2 proposed archaeological correlates for bands and 2 for tribes.
  • How might archaeological markers of status or role be distinguished from markers of rank?
  • Are there aspects of culture that are not recognizable archaeologically? Why or why not?

Readings: (posted 2-14-03)

Service, Elman R.
1971 Primitive Social Organization: An Evolutionary Perspective. Random House, New York.

King, Thomas F.
1978 Don't That Beat the Band? Nonegalitarian Political Organization in
Prehistoric Central California. In Social Archeology: Beyond
Subsistence and Dating
, edited by C. Redman et al., pp. 225-248.
Academic Press, New York.

Peebles, Christopher S. and Susan M. Kus
1977 Some Archaeological Correlates of Ranked Societies. American
Antiquity
42:421-448.

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15.
4/29
All faculty Overview of course; course conclusion
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Department of Anthropology
Old Main 330, University of Arkansas
Fayetteville, AR 72701
Phone: (479)575-2508; Fax: (479)575-6595
E-mail: chitt@comp.uark.edu
Maintained by Course Coordinator